Sidevisninger i alt

fredag den 15. maj 2026

Reaktioner på Chișinău Erklæringen

Dagens artikel

Nuances du Droit

Den Europæiske Menneskerettighedsdomstol er et primært mål for illiberalisme. Som den højeste europæiske domstol repræsenterer den alle de værdier, som illiberalismen modsætter sig. På det overnationale niveau er den et udtryk for konstitutionalisme, nemlig begrænsningen af ​​politisk magt gennem individers rettigheder og friheder.

Să kom Chișinău erklæringen



REAKTIONER ANALYSER opdateres dagligt

21.5.26 ECHR Reform is Here!: Reflections on the Chişinǎu Declaration and UK’s role in the process 


20.5.26 The Future of the ECHR - Preliminary reflections on the Chişinău Declaration Agora group  to 

Hvad gør Chişinău-erklæringen så? Erklæringen gør ingenting i den forstand, at den ikke er juridisk bindende for Menneskerettighedsdomstolen. Ministerkomitéen kan med rette ikke instruere Menneskerettighedsdomstolen i, hvordan konventionen skal fortolkes eller anvendes, ved hjælp af en politisk erklæring som den, der blev udstedt i Chişinău. Sådanne erklæringer kan dog bestemt forsøge at styre Domstolen ved at signalere til den, hvordan stater, der er parter i EMRK, ønsker, at konventionen skal fortolkes og anvendes. Det er endnu uvist, om, og i bekræftende fald hvordan, Menneskerettighedsdomstolen vil reagere på et sådant forsøg på at styre den. Som nævnt ovenfor har tidligere politiske erklæringer dog højst haft en beskeden indflydelse.
 
Europæisk erklæring skal lette udvisning af kriminelle | Information online 15.5.26


All 46 Council of Europe members sign agreement ‘deplored’ by human rights organisations


One leading migration specialist said she was not convinced that a political agreement would have a significant effect on immigration cases.

Madeleine Sumption, the director of the Migration Observatory at Oxford University, said: “It’s not clear how much impact a political declaration makes given that judges’ decisions are also driven by domestic and international case law, which this declaration does not change. How much concrete difference it will make remains to be seen.”

Human Rights

The declaration, written while under great pressure from Italy and backed by the UK and other countries, aims at reconciling human rights requirements with state sovereignty in relation to migrants. The Declaration’s framers claim that this reinterpretation is not an abridgment of the rights in question, but merely a “clarification” that enables states to take tough action against migrant abuse without infringing upon the ECHR.
(..)
The Road Ahead: Legal Challenges and Political Fallout

Though not binding, the Chisinau Declaration carries significant political weight, but it will be up to the European Court of Human Rights to rule on just how much deference the court will give to migration policy in upcoming cases.

There is no doubt that legal challenges will follow. Immigration advocates intend to take action based on the premise that the Chisinau Declaration runs contrary to the basic tenets of the ECHR, namely non-refoulement and the right to family life. The political ramifications will be felt equally. Right-wing populist parties might use the declaration as justification for their tough policy positions, while opposition parties can accuse governments of selling out human rights in exchange for votes.

16.5.26 I håb om meget mere udvisning Weekendavisen

16.5.26 Meloni: The Albania-style migrant hubs are legitimate L'Unione Sarda English 



12.5.26 Radio Popolare.it 12.5.26: Migranti, l'annuncio dall'Albania: "Il patto con l'Italia terminerà nel 2030" (Migranter, aftalen med Italien slutter i 2030: (min oversættelse:)

I morges (12.5.26 red.) udtalte Albaniens udenrigsminister, at migrationsaftalen med Italien ikke vil blive fornyet efter 2030, med henvisning til landets tiltrædelse af Den Europæiske Union på det tidspunkt. I hvert fald ifølge ministeren. Efter hans bemærkninger kritiserede oppositionen endnu engang den operation, som Meloni-regeringen har fremmet, og henviste især til spild af offentlige penge. Cecilia Strada, et medlem af Europa-Parlamentet for Det Demokratiske Parti, har besøgt disse faciliteter. Vi spurgte hende om hendes vurdering af den albanske ministers udtalelser.
 

Whether the Protocol remains as it is or is amended to adapt these centres as return hubs, once Tirana is granted full EU membership – before or after 2030 – "it would no longer be possible to engage in this kind of arrangement," explains Eleonora Testi, Senior Legal Officer at ECRE. Yet, they may remain operational during accession negotiations


(...) Chiara Catelli, spokesperson for the Brussels-based rights organisation PICUM, has expressed concern that this declaration may pose risks to both the court and the integrity of the convention.
“Governments are effectively seeking to pressure an independent Court into weakening long-established human rights protections in order to facilitate deportations, with the risk of deporting people where they could face torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, or where they would stop receiving life-saving medical care,” she said.
“A two-tier human rights system based on migration status is an affront to the basic principle that human rights are universal,” said Eve Geddie, director of Amnesty International’s European Institutions Office.
La Première ministre italienne déclare que des politiques migratoires autrefois controversées sont désormais « un principe partagé » au sein du Conseil de l’Europe




Today’s declaration by the Council of Europe Ministers is an important step to promote people’s safety and fundamental rights. It strengthens our approach to a fair and firm migration policy in Europe. Migration is a shared challenge that requires shared solutions. That is why the Commission is actively contributing to the discussion at all levels – at the UN, the Council of Europe, and within the EU. 

Magnus Brunner, Commissioner for Internal Affairs and Migration


Ministers hailed an agreement at a summit in Moldova this morning aimed at making it easier to deport illegal migrants and foreign criminals. Daily Mail:

Former Supreme Court judge Lord Sumption said a similar declaration agreed in Brighton in 2012, aimed at reining in the power of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, which oversees the Convention, made ‘absolutely no practical difference’ and that ‘past experience suggests political declarations don’t get very far’.

Speaking to the BBC, he added: ‘I would expect judges deciding immigration and human rights cases generally to have regards to political declarations.

‘But ultimately, what binds them is the case law of the Strasbourg court and they’re not going to drift very far from that…Articles 3 and 8 are deeply embedded in its case law, and therefore extremely difficult to get rid of.’




Gelungener Kompromiss oder trojanisches Pferd?
Konventionen gælder stadigvæk, og den her erklæring er jo alene et politisk instrument.

THOMAS GAMMELTOFT-HANSEN, PROFESSOR I FLYGTNINGE- OG MIGRATIONSRETMen ifølge professoren så er der som udgangspunkt ingen vej uden om de grundlæggende konventionsforpligtelser. Heller ikke, hvis man opretter udrejsecentre i tredjelande, hvilket erklæringen muliggør, og rykker folk væk fra for eksempel dansk territorium.




The AGORA briefing on the Chişinău Declaration haș been updated to include the response of the Commissioner for Human Rights.

The Commissioner told ministers in Chişinău that:

🚨 the “extraordinary achievement of the modern-day human rights legal system is … fragile”. 

🚨 He urged states to “insist on the universality of human rights”, as well as on the independence of the Court and of national courts.

🚨 He added that states should “resolve never to instrumentalise human rights standards or institutions in the pursuit of policy goals, including policy goals in the context of migration management”.

https://lnkd.in/e9SrxjD4 
Dr Jean-Pierre Gauci, Arthur Watts Senior Fellow in Public International Law at BIICL, responded:

"This is a political declaration and, legally speaking, does not alter the Convention or the obligations of States under it. The point of the declaration is to lean on the European Court of Human Rights and, indirectly, on domestic courts to interpret the Convention in a way that States consider to be more aligned with their priorities. The specific political goal is to reduce human rights barriers to removing foreign nationals, even if there is a real risk of harm to them on return.

The declaration is not legally binding, but it does put the Court in Strasbourg under significant pressure to apply the law more restrictively in asylum and immigration cases. There are questions about the propriety of this sort of political pressure being exerted on Courts by States generally. From a human rights law perspective, what is most controversial is the attempt to reduce protection against ill-treatment for foreign nationals, because this undermines the cardinal principles of universality of human rights and equality before the law, and risks eroding in practice what has always been an absolute right.

Nicola Canestrini's post The Declaration is soft law. It does not amend the Convention. But it is precisely through such texts that intergovernmental pressure is exerted on Strasbourg, ...


15.5.26 Dozens of European nations sign off on new interpretation of rights convention in migration cases Washington Post




15.5.26 New Council of Europe declaration clarifies ECHR interpretation in immigration and asylum law EIN

Summary

UK Government says declaration will help ensure serious criminals are not able to use courts to frustrate deportation process


Political statement agreed by all 46 Council of Europe states could give them more leeway to carry out deportations


Juraprofessor Mikael Rask Madsen mener, at erklæringen på lange stræk sparker en åben dør ind, fordi domstolen i Strasbourg allerede har lyttet til tidligere erklæringer, og at det i virkeligheden omhandler meget få sager, hvor Danmark ikke får medhold i en udvisning. 
»Det er i virkeligheden et lille juridisk problem, som er blevet gjort til et stort politisk problem, for hvis kriminaliteten er grov nok, og folk har fået en advarsel, og man har fulgt domstolens praksis, så er det relativt let at udvise folk«. 

15.5. 25 Europe ‘clarifies’ how human rights apply to migrants in bid to stave off populists Politico


Alain Berset, secretary general of the Council of Europe, which oversees the treaty, said the declaration would help “guide our own work as well as that of national authorities and domestic courts.”

He told POLITICO after the meeting: “What is seen as a migration concern in Denmark is not the same thing as what is seen as a migration issue in Italy, and it is not the same as what is seen as a migration issue in the Baltic states, with high grade threats at the border.


15.5.26 Mette Frederiksen på FacebookMed andre ord: En bedre balance mellem rettighederne for ofret og samfundet på den ene side og den kriminelle på den anden side. Rettighederne for offer og samfund skal og må have forrang.

Chisinau-erklæringen vedtaget med konsensus. Stærkeste tekst fra Europarådet om udfordringer med migration. Vi skal skabe bedre mulighed for, at nationerne kan passe på egen sikkerhed og udvise flere kriminelle udlændinge. Eksempel på at vi godt kan udfordre konventioner indefra.



For et år siden startede statsminister Mette Frederiksen et opgør med Menneskerettighedsdomstolens håndtering af udlændingesager. Nu er Europarådets 46 lande enige om ny erklæring. Et eksempel på, at Danmark ”godt kan udfordre konventionerne indefra”, lyder det fra Lars Løkke Rasmussen, selv om erklæringen ikke er bindende.

15.5.26 Shopping Lists and Steppingstones

On the Chișinău Declaration by Fikfak og Rask Madsen

As a result, as documents go, the Chișinǎu Declaration is a mixed bag: it contains a pick-and-mix of instructions to the Court on how it should reduce the current protections, relativize absolute provisions, and give states more leeway to do what they wish in various contexts. The document is also marred by repetitions, inconsistencies and contradictions. 


"One might wonder whether the 27 states, and especially the 9, are truly satisfied with the Chișinău Declaration, given that it offers little to no criticism of the Court’s migration case law and makes no request for the Court to amend this body of case law.


Læs i Linket ovenfor:

Unlike the Letter of 9, the Declaration does not note that the states ‘should have more room nationally to decide on when to expel criminal foreign nationals’.


Council of Europe members plan to change interpretation of ECHR to make it easier to deport refused asylum seekers